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involved in a lot of the civil rights activity. what was going on at spelman college at that time, and what did howard find himself in the middle of a lot of the civil rights politics? >> spelman college was in atlanta and even though it is seen today as one of the less racist spots in the south, in effect atlanta was almost totally segregated when howard arrived at spellman, but by the way, she made sure that people never thought that he took a job at an all black women's college because he was committed to the black struggle. but it was just beginning and to know how word did care about black rights he wasn't in activist on behalf of those rights. in fairly short order she and his wife both became very active the first white women came a little bit our after his arrival and even then a very few of them young black women many of whom had been part of the rural areas, they were slightly stunned at this white teacher and there were fewer other members of this bill my faculty. but howard was a genius of a teacher. she was very informal, very easygoing fox, he prided himself on a conversation
to be where howard first got involved in civil rights activity. what was going on at spelman college at the time, and how did howard find himself in the middle of a lot of civil rights politics? >> guest: spelman college was in atlanta, and yet even though atlanta is seen certainly today as one of the less racist spots in the south, in fact, atlanta was almost totally segregated when howard arrived at pellman. by -- spelman. by the way, he never, he made sure that people never thought that he took a job at an all-black women's college because he was committed to the black struggle. we're talking about 1956 when the black struggle was just beginning. and though howard did care about black rights, he was not yet an activist in behalf of those rights. but in fairly short order, he and his wife roz both became very active. i mean, his students -- the first white women came a little bit after howard's arrival. and even then very few of them. and young black women, many of whom had been brought up in rural areas, they were slightly stunned at this white teacher. there were few other white
time in the most dramatic possible way. we had the chance conversations of the civil rights movement, and a life or death decisions be made during the cuban missile crisis. people often ask me why my father installed the system it as a lover of history i know he would've been drawn to this new technology as a way of keeping an accurate record of events for the memoir he planned to write after leaving office. and after the bay of pigs disaster, people say he wanted to be able to remember who said what in case they later changed their tune. [laughter] the wonderful thing about this book is that although much of this material has been available, it has not been easily accessible until now. the original recordings are of varying quality and it isn't always clear who is speaking in meetings. working with maura, our outstanding archivist and her colleagues here at the libra, historian ted widmer did an incredible job of selecting highlights from the most significant crises as well as excerpts to show the range and complexity of issues facing the president. as a citizen in an election seaso
with affirmative action, and at the time, as you may have read and not remember, the civil rights movement, martin luther king turned to full employment and poor people's campaign as the principal demand, and the johnson administration rather than coming up with full employment we spotted with affirmative action. you won't see look at the eyes on the prize or marching in the street demanding affirmative action. they were demanding full employment and trying to reach out to whites, latinos, asians, native americans, that was the vision. and she said when affirmative action happened, we knew it would only help the upper-middle-class within the black community, a very small percentage of african-americans, kids who want to go to these elite colleges, you know, that affirmative action was targeted or would benefit from. but we were scared of being read beaded and ostracized or attack so we backed down and just accepted that. he said we knew the poverty would remain in these basic issues of economic injustice would be made. i say this to say that movements can be the railed. they can be intimidated, th
that really limited the due process rights in civil commitments, and really look at it, contemplated it as an extension of the existing criminal sentence. and so, but it hasn't stopped the litigation but there is a lot of work that needs to be done still on civil commitment issues. and so it's kind of an ongoing project, and is in a host of different context, another talk by specific context, but this people, people civilly committed for mental because of mental illness. and there are a range of issues that the aclu has been working on with partner groups to actually address and raise the due process concerns about civil commitment. >> can you explain something about the philosophy behind incarceration, and why, what is the idea behind isolating a person so acutely? >> so, aside from the campaign to end overincarceration, the aclu likes of the campaigns, but another one is a campaign to stop the use of solitary or at least significantly curb its use. we've been very active the last several years litigating to prevent long-term isolation and to create benchmarks programs, access to se
. >> michael myers, director of new york civil rights coalition to i wonder, commissioner, if you would comment, a change and progress and welfare reform policies. that no man in the home rule, -- [inaudible] because the mother and the children needed a system. so now in your current policy, you are encouraging -- [inaudible] what respect they change in social values? no more is there a father in the home. now families. so you can have a situation where you are defining parents of parenting and family such as depositing of head of the household. cycle that want you to talk about the requirements and context of mass unemployment. >> i will do both of those. first, i'm glad you raised the issue about father in the household. because the other way that we sort of try to tackle the single parent family issue is that we can see a little bit on marriage and say, well, let's work with the dead, with employment programs, programs that make enforcement program a little more forgiving and understanding so that we bring them into the system. we promote, we find parenting programs. so the idea is we can ge
point to point as we were advised by my iconic hero, a civil-rights hero, first assessments of rice division. he was to have as much freedom as any other student. well, yes. but at the same time there are deer hunters, and it was the season, and we were constantly aware of who might come upon to the campus. did not look like a student, had been to mine in a deer rifle and we had to be constantly aware of that kind of threat to his life. a brave person. i was sitting in his dormitory room the first couple of days reading the hate mail, the death threats. a very detailed. we know where you live, or your parents are. or going to kill you, your tolerance. and i looked at janzen said to have you read this one. he looked back and said the limelight from a spanish class. let's go. that can the bridge every state with him in that kind of courage stayed with him throughout my association with him. he never crack troubling to. the students plan to. i should say that 99 percent of the student body went about their weight inning and education. they cared little about him being on the campus. to
of the spectrum. if you think about the civil rights movement, the various feminism is about area. challenging the idea that there is a model of the american family. it went into a prolonged time a political crisis. stepped into the breach and proposes a new model of the american family. one that requires more protection and so the book really tells the story of the politicized american family that needs support economically one that needs protection morally. that's how i characterize the ship to a more conservative political culture. the critical difference between the pre-1960s and the post 1970s conservative model of the family really comes down to the role of the state. the role of our collective empowerment through the national government. the role that it plays in our lives. families require basic economic security. national government and state and local government play an important role in providing resources. that is part of the liberal model of the family itself. well, with conservatives the idea is a family that needs not economic protection, but more protection. that speaks to a ve
of the spectrum. think about the civil rights movement, feminism, the various feminisms of the era, and, eventually, the gay and lesbian rights movement and other social movements that challenged the idea that there really is one male breadwinner model of the american family. when liberalism experienced those challenges, it went into a prolonged period of political crisis in the 60s and well into the 70 #s, and it's that critical historical moment that the conservative movement steps into the breach with liberalism in crisis and proposes a kind of new model of the american family, one that does not require comake support or economic assistance, but one that requires moral protection so the book really tells the story of the politicized american family going from the family that needs support economically to one that needs protection morally. that's how a characterize the shift from a liberal political culture to a more conservative political culture. the critical difference between the liberal, the previous -- the pre-1960 #s liberal model of the family and the post 1970s conservative m
, as well as the college students were. and it was the height of the civil rights movement. the vietnam war. so many issues to become engaged in. so i started moving up the ladder at the college station, interned at a local all-news radio station, and that was the end of the violin. >> then you just kept working at it and loved it? >> it wasn't quite that simple. it was in a day when they did not hire women for newsroom jobs in broadcasting. period. there were a few anchor women, a few weather women, there were just not average run of the mill journalist assignment reporters, and i was told they weren't about to do it at this radio station, and i could go into advertising or promotion. i was accepted in the corporate trainee program, actually, and i said, hire me as a copy boy, which is what they -- they require copy. it's predigital -- back in the days of film and television and a very different era. so they give me the midnight to 8:00 shift, and said if i prove myself, there where no one would see me, i might -- and i worked my way up. i don't know if that's your experience as well. i i'
. during the civil rights movement he was kind of a hero of mine. much more so than martin luther king, because i was quite of a radical as a young person, and i was the one that thought we should shall overcome is not a effective way of gaining civil rights. i think i i thought that more confrontation was needed. >> host: what made you a radical? what does it mean? >> guest: i think a radical, -- i'm still a radical today. that is i believe that a radical is any person who believes in the official liberty and individual freedom and limited government. that makes you a radical. and i have always been a -- person who believe that people should not we are interfere with me. i should be able to do my own thing as long as i don't violate the rights other people. >> host: who is the difference of following malcom x. omar tin luther king? >> host: well, at that time i thought martin luther king was too much a compriseer. i was willing to demand people in my career in the army was a part of that vision of confronting racial discrimination. >> host: how tall are you? >> guest: six foot fight.
of that and of the civil rights movement i was just a junkie by the time i was 9-years-old i was handing out leaflets for robert kennedy and when i was 10i made a big decision and broke with the democratic party and went to work for john lindsay running for the mayor of new york but i wouldn't work for him at the headquarters, i want to the liberal party come on new york you could run on to. i was handed out leaflets on the street corner in new york, and some woman felt this was cute this ely handing out leaflets, and she asked me why they make the case for lindsey and got an early start of my political career and made the case against the opponent as well. we to get back to the liberal party headquarters and open it up and there were all these doughnuts and a lot of $10 bills and so in one of my early lessons in politics, the district leader grabbed the money and said you can keep the doughnuts. [applause] >> you also sold a bumper stickers. >> those of us that have lived through it remember that is a time of great idealism and the campaign was infused with idealism as tragically as it ended, and wh
funded runaway slaves. she actually--some of the early landmark civil rights cases in california she funded. and then--and near the end of her life, things became even more bizarre. she was sort of connected to a very wealthy senator from--state senator from california and was taken to court and so it just becomes, you know, this saga. but as a figure, i mean, she's just inspirational and just formidable. c-span: $30, 643 pages for your book. where did you write it? >> guest: wrote it all over the world. i actually--you know, i was in north carolina after i did the initial traveling, i did some there. i went to new york where i had been living for 13 years. c-span: what were you doing in new york? >> guest: well, i taught at columbia and sarah lawrence college. i was for a year at the university--i'm sorry--at the american academy in rome, the rome prize. so that was where the bulk of it was actually completed. and oxford, mississippi, where i was a writer in residence. so i've toted around a lot of papers for a lot of years. c-span: faulkner does come up in your book. he used to liv
group of prisoners in new york, persons incarcerated through civil commitment without a right to a hearing beforehand or to a lawyer or right to confront accusers? and with rules of evidence suspended? this and no right to a lawyer afterward, after the person's rights are compromised and their credibility especially? is anyone looking into the constitutional violations? >> yes. the american -- the aclu has actually been very active on this issue, but the united states supreme court several terms ago, actually, issued a ruling that really limited the due process rights of those in civil commitments and really rooked at it, contemplated it as an extension of the existing criminal sentence. and so, but it hasn't stopped the litigation, but there is a lot of work that needs to be done still on civil commitment issues. and so that's -- it's kind of an ongoing project, and it exists a lot in a host of different contexts. i don'ti don't know if you're tg about a specific context, but for sex offenses, people committed for mental, because of mental illnesses and there are a range of i
>> good morning, everyone. i am barbara arnwine, direct her for civil rights under law, which runs the election protection coalition. the election protection coalition was founded roughly right after the election debacle in 2000 florida and we've been operating election protection is a program ever since and really our first up ration was in 2001. we are composed of 150 nationalized state wide, local grassroots organizations that are supplemented by the resources of 200 law firms. this last election, we have paraded 28: centers. we had omicron operations in a rickety jurisdictions. we had 5300 vehicle volunteers and roughly 2300 grassroots volunteers. as you can imagine, i'm very grateful for the opportunity to comment on the recent 2012 election. the lawyers committee will be issuing for election protection in nature report this month. so in two weeks you should be able to ask our analysis based on the roughly 190,000 calls we received, the grassroots reports from these jurisdictions and everything else. our basic code inclusion may be different from what you heard in the first p
for civil rights under law which runs the election protection coalition. the election protection cohiggs was founded roughly right after the election debacle in 2000 in florida, and we've been operating election protection as a program ever since and really our first operation was in 2001. we are composed of 150 nationwide, statewide, local, grassroots organizations that are supplemented by the resources of 200 law firms. we, this last election we operated 28 call-in centers, we had on of the-ground operations in over 80 jurisdictions, we had 5,300 legal volunteers and roughly 2,300 grass roots vols tiers -- volunteers. this, as you can imagine, i'm very grateful for this opportunity to comment on the recent 2012 elections. the lawyers' committee will actually be issuing more election protection, a major report this month. so in two weeks you should be able to access our analysis based on the roughly, you know, 190,000 calls we received, the grassroots reports from these 80 jurisdictions and everything else. our basic conclusion may be different than what you heard in the first panel bec
in the civil rights movement. others have been working in the movement since 1961. i.t. is about it now. he had not come to baker county to help get the movement started there. but once my father, who was a leader in the community with murder, that was one thing that brought everyone together, and they were ready when they came in to help us, the baker county movement. >> wow. what's the interesting part to me is in the book you really write about the way that the legacy impacts you. so you talk about the fact that when that happened, the black children lost father by friends found themselves living in this no man's land and we didn't get the chance to really feel the price of those young folks paid in order for us to be where we are. we know it intellectually, but we don't get to see that. and that is something that the book really does beautifully. >> we started the movement in june of 1965. in august of 1965, about 15 others and my sister decided to integrate the white schools. i can remember the first day. i had graduated and was going off to college in september. and we took them -- we tri
that complies with civil rights, but, of course, has an overriding effect of addressing public safety. we had a lot of testimony. we had a lot of speaking out proand con from law enforcement throughout the campaign in colorado about implications and whether moving towards legalization was better or worse than the status quo. i worked my own career in law enforcement and prosecution, there's disagreement. i mean i heard passionate disagreement from a lot of people i respect. well, one thing we have to do now is have a standard that protect people who visit our state and drive on the roads so people know that that's -- there is going to be a safe system for them, and we're not sure yet how to do that. our legislature has that as job one now in the new session that starts this week in colorado, and your point of vu, your input would be valuable in our state. >> against legalization in colorado; is that right? >> i was opposed to it. i also publicly predicted it would not pass. my credibility is nil. [laughter] >> i have to say i support this, and i predicted it to pass. [laughter] i think, you k
active as civil rights laws. so it influences private law. so there could be a market for privacy. so they come along and say we will make it easier for you. and then facebook had to modify things and so forth. so what i am suggesting is a type of touchstone. before i buy an iphone, i give consideration to all the security. anywhere you go on the web, when it's not protected -- if you think about things like that the people might hold as private. >> you do a lot of coverage around the intersection of technology. does this seem like a real step forward to you? can you talk about your reaction? >> well, i think it speaks to the problems at this point. a lot of judges interpret the law around these technologies and don't always understand the technology. many have found that there are expressions are under around her e-mail and law enforcement can only get that technological issue straightened out. many would say that it is upsetting. in terms of trying to apply everything -- i mean, the constitution is supposed to have businesses not be able to look at a facebook page when they are maki
name is marceline white come on the executive director of the american civil rights coalition, ncrc. ncrc works for maryland consumers for research, education and advocacy. am also proud homeowner in baltimore city. thank you today. i appreciate all the work the bureau has done on these rules. homeownership as a now is a viable avenue for wealth building, especially for low and moderate income families. we know that these families use home-equity to increase the assets and to borrow against home equity, we know this is particularly true in communities of color. so we know that the work you're doing is incredibly important for all of our families come a special low and moderate income families. it's imperative that the mortgage lending rules adequately balance the needs of financial institutions and consumers. and it's important it opens up and provides more access to credit as well as clear and transparent standards for borrowers and lenders. however, our concern right now is that as written, the rules are too much to protect banks at the expense of working families. our concerns ar
that standard going to be and how are going to test people in a way that complies with the civil rights but, of course, has the overriding effect of addressing public safety. we had a lot of testimony. we had a lot of speaking out pro and con for law enforcement throughout the campaign in colorado. about public safety implications and whether moving toward legalization was better or worse than the status quo. i appreciate your point that i would tell you i suppose worked a lot on my own career in law enforcement and prosecution, there's disagreement. i've heard passionate disagreement from a lot of people i respect. one thing we have to do now is come up with a standard that will protect people who come and visit our state and drive on the roads so that people know that there is going to be a safe system for them. and we're not sure yet how to do that to our legislature has this as job one that starts this next week in colorado. i think your point of view, your input would be really valuable in our state. >> you are against legalization and colorado, is that right? >> yesterday i was suppos
life. for a lot of americans, i mean, that's a war that's about principle, right? and the civil war is about principle. and world war ii's about principle, and world war i's about principle but then we have these other battles, these other wars that people are involved in that really aren't about principle. and certainly the u.s./mexican war fell into that category. >> quick question about the -- [inaudible] >> yep. >> i'm sure you can have a lively discussion about the treaty and how -- [inaudible] >> yeah. >> [inaudible] 67 years later there's a huge push to -- [inaudible] >> yeah. >> there's a huge push to -- [inaudible] >> right. >> in 1912 there's a strike in bloomington, illinois, which is not far from here, where they imported mexican labor. it's out of the newspaper. >> yeah. >> and when the mexican workers got here and realized that the union was on strike, they refused to work and effectively ended the strike. so there's a huge turn around as far as attitude and, again, the people, what happened to the -- >> well, there is but there isn't a change in attitudes, right? i me
and western civilization and the other the etiology of totalitarianism. both the left and the right to understood america and the world was at a critical point* in history consider the major political events that transpired between august 1948 when chambers confronted hiss and may 1952 when chambers published "witness." 1948 the communists through a justice of akia coup d'etat the first seizure by force of a popular government and spending washington. at the shanghai shacked the following year the communist would assume command of the world's most populist nation. 1950 was the devil the site is surrounded to british authorities admitting he was a nuclear supply the same month out tear hiss was convicted of perjury the statute of limitations of espionage expired. and then arrested harry gold to identify rosenberg as fellow conspirators in a plot to give nuclear secrets to moscow. in june north korea invaded south korea to present the u.s. with the choice. turn back the invasion for the key piece on the chessboard of asia and in 1952 whittaker chambers published "witness" which argues
, and when i first got to spain, as a matter of fact, we had b-49's on the bases outside of madrid, right next to the airport, and it was there, and another one near civil, and there was another one as well, and we had the b-49s there, but in the middle of the time that i was in spain, we brought in the b-52s that came online, and the b-49s basically retired, and the b-52s had a much longer range so we didn't have to keep them on spanish soil. these are the planes nor the bombs, and the squadrons would take off from bases in the eastern united states. when it got to the coast of spain, a kc135 tanker, three tankers would meet the planes, and each one would top off the tank, the fuel tank of the b-52, and the b-5 #2 -- didn't need the gas then, but wanted them full as possible because they were going to go to the soviet border and fly around for hours, just never crossing the border, but as you remember in the story "fail -- by the way, what they were doing was called "fail safe" so when the novel, which i think was 62, talked about fail safe, whoever wrote it knew he was talking about. i
to mention the book signing? >> of the books are available in the gift shop which is right outside the door here and you will be staying for signing. >> i will and as a civil servant at the government i don't receive any royalties so the prices been said very low and i hope you all enjoy it. >> let's talk a little bit about an idea that these machines have preceded us to mars. is a still ultimately the target to put a human being they're? >> for sure, and it's sometimes very surprising and all of the scientists i have spoken to really want to be there. they sense that they need to be there in order to do ask for nate -- exploration the way it should be done and part of it has to do with all those limitations i talked about. they want to go in different places and we accomplish a lot more with six people than with six people standing on a skateboard together. i think your point though about anticipating and comparing has become more and more real. i don't think we understood that so well before mer, that we could for reasonable cost put these rovers in different places around mars and figure
slaves and you're quite right, he never intended to free them, even if he had been in debt. but he did argue that to do so would be civil war and that the only solution would be a colonization scheme in which all slaves moved, whether it be the caribbean, west are back to africa. and of course you could argue that was just self-justification. but it's also a reason worth considering. i came at this very differently. as a scholar working on the british caribbean. these are some of the most brutal regimes anywhere. i was very aware that it never bothered about tomorrow's issue of slavery, never discussed it before and during the american revolution. the first place it's really discussed us here in america. and even perceives british abolition debate. and to be remarkable if slave regimes throughout history, but it's only in the western only in the 18 century that you have abolition movement, people actually questioning the morality of slavery. so to me, jefferson was remarkable in that he actually questioned the sysadmin had in us empathy to realize that slaves freed with these so angry
and corporate america isn't somehow reined in, there will be massive civil disobedience in this country. >> host: all right, john, we got your point. thank you. mr. barlett, response for that caller. >> guest: well, there's a lot there. and you could, you could do a whole book on the federal reserve. actually, bill greider a few years ago did a really fairly decent job on the federal reserve. one thing that i've learned over the years is don't talk about something you haven't spent any time studying. and so i just don't know. is that a fruitful area to look at? absolutely. and especially when you look now, because now it's being driven home to me that you can have massive debt without high interest rates, which is something i didn't think would ever occur. i'm talking about the federal government. because if you went back, you know, back into the greenspan era, the government interest rate, the government was paying 16, 17%. and you kept, you keep looking at the size of this growth, and you say, wow, this is impressive, 2, 3%? i don't know. i don't know what the -- i don't know how that's explai
Search Results 0 to 31 of about 32 (some duplicates have been removed)

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